Klio #3 (99) 2015



Opening remarks by Irina N. Novikova, dean of the international relation school of Saint Petersburg State University………. 3


Theoretical Issues

Markushina N.Yu., Tserpitskaya O.L.  “The political confessor” as factor of political activity………. 4

The article studies the relationships within the tandem of “political leader – spiritual leader” and reveals their influence on the process of political decision­making. As the examples, it gives the relations of the Prince Dmitry Donskoy with St. Sergius of Radonezh and ones of the cardinal Richelieu (as a politician) with the father Joseph Ferrie. It examines the features of a Russian “political Confessor”, who is an essential part of the Russian spiritual tradition, and shows his differences and similarities with the Western “grey cardinals”. The term of a “political Confessor” appears because a clergyman standing behind the national leader’s political decisions need not be his or her spiritual father. The paper describes the main characteristics required for both the sides of a tandem and argues that the most important ones are the combination of faith and patriotism harmoniously complementing each other, and the state­building vision prevailing over all other emotions.

Key words: religious factor, political confessor, power broker (grey cardinal), political activity, national unity, patriotism.

Lanko D.A. Reassessing periodization of history of International relations………. 8

The article compares two approaches to periodization of history of international relations. On one hand, it is most popular approach in contemporary Russian historiography, which is founded on distinguishing of the historical periods before and after Westphalian peace treaties of 1648, hereinafter referred to as the Westphalian periodization. On other hand, it is the approach suggested by postcolonial scholars of international relations, who insist that contemporary historical period started a hundred and fifty years earlier, and that it was featured by formation, development and transformation of the colonial system, hereinafter referred to as postcolonial periodization. Having analyzed different approaches to periodization of history, the article concludes that a function of periodization is highlighting the path of historical development. Westphalian periodization highlights the development of the system of international relations in the direction from colonialism to sovereign nation­states. Metropolitan European powers were the first to become sovereign nation­states in the New Age, numerous sovereign nation­states emerged in Europe in early 20th century, in late 20th century that became the path of development of the entire world. In turn, postcolonial periodization highlights that colonialism emerged in what Europeans refer to as the Age of Discovery and has been transforming since then. Formation and development of the colonial system took place in the New Age, colonies were transformed into dominions and mandates of the League of Nations in early 20th century, while in late 20th century, though former colonies became formally independent, their dependency on former metropolitan powers persisted.

Key words: history of international relations, periodization, Westphalian system, colonialism, imperialism, postcolonialism.

Lagutina M.L., Vasilyeva N.A. (Saint Petersburg). Geopolitical dimension of the new-Eurasian integration………. 18

The article covers geopolitical conceptualization of integrational processes within the post­Soviet/Neo­Eurasian space. XXI century environment is making a significant impact on evolution of new fundamentals for the “post­Soviet” space, turning it into the “neo­Eurasian space” of XXI century. The authors have elaborated the idea of a need for integrational development of the Grand Eurasia space (“EuroWest” + “EuroEast”) as one of the contemporary global politics and world economy focal areas. This circumstance has found its expression in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAU) concept as a new centre for the neo­Eurasian integration alongside with the existing area – the European Union (EU). Commencing from analysis of the historic and theoretical foundations of the modern neo­Eurasianism concept, the authors have subsequently turned over to the overview and evaluation of perspectives for possible political strategies of the up­coming neo­Eurasian integration within the EAU format. As such, in the beginning of the article the authors have covered terminological aspects of the post­Soviet/neo­Eurasian area research in the contemporary humanitarian science(“post­imperial”, ‘post­Soviet”, “post­Socialist”, “neo­Eurasian”), scrutinized historic stages of the Eurasian space unification idea (the classical Eurasianism concept), as well as modern geopolitical concepts of the Russian and foreign scholars on the neo­Eurasian integration agenda. Furthermore, in the article particular attention has been paid to the three geopolitical concepts of the neo­Eurasian integration’s global dimension: the theory of grand spaces, concept of global regions, and theory of empires. Considering the contemporary integrational processes in this area, the authors have strived to distinguish specific traits of modern Eurasia and pinpoint geopolitical perspectives for the EAU expansion not only within the regional post­Soviet space, but also on a global geopolitical scale.

Key words: Eurasian economic union, global region, global regionalization, integration, eurasianism, post­soviet space, neo­eurasian space, Core space, multipolar world, empire.

Tkachenko S.L. (Saint Petersburg). Russia as in energy superpower: history of the concept………. 27

In preparation for its first summit of G­8 hosted by Russian Federation in St. Petersburg in July 2006, its leaders have proposed discussion on “energy security” and prospective leadership of Russian Federation in this sphere globally, especially in Eurasia. There were two strategic aims for Russia’s activities: to improve image of the country at the international arena, as well as to reserve a seat of a leading power in global discussion on search for a proper balance of interests between those countries, which are major exporters of energy and countries, which are net importers of energy resources, first of all – crude oil and natural gas. The idea followed by a concept of “energy superpower”, which Russia would like to be seen by other G­8 members. The reaction of Western leaders to Russia’s initiative has been sharp and negative. Since then Russian leaders formally have never return to the concept. At the same time, a number of programming documents in security spheres, which has been adopted by the President of Russian Federation since 2006, is firmly based on recognition of energy component of economic power of Russia. Logic of energy strategy of Russian Federation is also includes need to control “commanding heights” in energy sector as a guarantee for economic independence and effective addition to nuclear status of Russia.

Key words: Key words: energy superpower, energy security, G­8, political economy of oil and gas, soft power.


Auxiliary Historical Sciences

Burkov V.G.  (Saint Petersburg). To the history of state emblems and symbols of the republics of Central Asia………. 34

This article describes the evolution of state emblems and symbols of the five republics of Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. For many centuries, those lands have been home to various peoples whose fates have closely intertwined with one another, with Russia, and other neighboring states. From the ancient period to the modern times, the Central Asian nations have been in the process of state building, which was reflected in their emblems and symbols. In the 18–19th centuries, most of the Central Asian peoples joined the Russian empire, but their emblems and symbols did not change. They entrenched in the Russian Heraldry as well as in the vexillology of the Bukhara Emirate and the Khiva Khanate, which came under Russia’s protectorate. Following the February of 1917 revolution in Russia, the Central Asian nations obtained political autonomy, and new heraldic and vexillological items with the deep roots appeared in the region. They included the state emblems and symbols of Alash and Turkestan, the People’s SovietRepublics of Bukhara and Khorezm. As to the official flags and emblems, which exactly correlated to the modern “Sunshine republics”, they were approved after 1924 national and state demarcation in the region and constituted a new stage in the evolution of Central Asian heraldry and vexillology – the Soviet one. In December of 1991, following the collapse of the USSR, five newly independent states appeared in Central Asia. Their national flags, emblems, and presidential standards are inseparably linked with the history and cultural traditions of the peoples inhabiting those lands for thousands of years.

Key words: emblem, symbol, state flag, state emblem, presidential standard, Central Asia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan.



Fokin V.I. The cross-cultural interaction and the foreign policy of national states: historiography of the issue………. 44

The cross­cultural interaction obtains the principal role in the modern system of international relations as a field of cooperation between different nations and ethnic groups, which influence the foreign policy of their states. At many periods in history, world powers saw the cross­cultural interaction as a source for reaching their foreign policy targets. In our days, the cross­cultural interaction appears to be used to establish a new globalized world order. International actors intensified the use of cultural communications between the nations for formatting cultural stereotypes and public behavior aiming their global goals. By cross­cultural interaction, they set the agenda for civil societies and determine the place and role of the nations in the system of international relations. As to the globalization phenomenon, this interaction is used to establish the ideas on hierarchy of states and their relations, while there is no pre­established world order. The cross­cultural interaction is a phenomenon of a global character, which is developing in the multicultural world. Largely, our stereotypes about the culture of other people determine our attitude to their national states. Thus, in struggling for influence on the world public opinion, the modern nations promote a present and future world order, which explains the severity of their fight within the latest years. This article reviews both Russian and American publications on the cross­cultural interaction, cultural diplomacy, foreign cultural policy and public diplomacy in the 20th and in the early 21st century.

Key words: Historiography, Clash of civilizations, International cultural exchange, cross­cultural interaction, cultural diplomacy, foreign cultural policy and public diplomacy.

Mezhevich N.M., Sazanovich L.S. The key issues of the Baltic states’ recent history in the modern literature: between the truth and the ideology………. 53

Actually, the relations between Russia and the Baltic states are problematical due to their heritage of the 20th century. There are still many controversial facts, which Russian and Baltic researchers interpret from the different points of view. For example, the way that the Baltic States had joined the Soviet Union remains under discussion. Thus, Gelli Stanchinski [1] believes that most of the Soviet authors unequivocally saw the events of 1939–40 in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania as a peaceful victory of the socialist revolution. At present the interpretation of those happenings has dramatically. While the access to various databases and archives got free, the main task for investigators became to avoid distortion of facts. A fair and objective research seems to have a particular importance in case of the reconstruction of modern relations between Russia and its Baltic partners. This article aims to examine the works of the Baltic thinkers and statesmen and highlight the major problems, which require both political and scientific solutions.

Key words: Baltic States; Baltic region; historiography; modern history; political history; Russia; Latvia; Lithuania; Estonia; the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact.


General History

Dudina A.A. Migration policy in Sweden and the Russian post-revolutionary emigration, 1918–1919………. 58

This article investigates Swedish migration policy towards Russian citizens in 1918–1919 and describes the factors, which had the most impact in this issue. In 1917–1918, Sweden transited to a restrictive migration policy aimed to defend the interests of its own citizens. Such was its response to adrastic growing in number of foreigners, which went to Sweden during the World War I, and to an economic letdown. With the beginning of mass emigration from Russia in 1918, Sweden not only refused to accept new Russian refugees, but also imposed supplementary restrictions on their entry into the country. This article explores the factors, which influenced that decision, and classifies them into common for all foreigners and specific for the Russian ones. It pays attention to the economic situation in Sweden and mentions the problems with food, housing shortages and negative situation at a labor market. Further, it analyses the impact of political situation in Sweden on the policies of its authorities towards Russian immigrants. It also answers the question how the public opinion influenced the decision of the Swedish government to grant asylum for Russian after­revolutionary emigrants. The paper investigates the cooperation of Swedish administration with the diplomatic missions of the pre­revolutionary and Soviet Russia, such as the missions of K. Gulkevich and V. Vorovsky. Finally, it concludes that restrictive migration policy had a significant impact on the formation of the Russian diaspora in Sweden after the Socialist revolution of 1917.

Key words: Russian emigration, Russian emigration in Sweden, emigration, refugees, diaspora, migration policy, Swedish migration policy, Russian­Swedish relation, Russia and Sweden.

Shirin S.S. The international protection of digital heritage as the evolution of the Roerich Pact ideas………. 65

In 2003, UNESCO adopted the document, which initiated a new stage in the evolution of international public perceptions about the province of all mankind in need of protection – Charter on the Preservation of Digital Heritage. More than ten years that have passed since the adoption of the Charter enable us to evaluate the peculiarities of international programs in this area and to relate them with the ideas that have become the basis for the full­fledged international protection of cultural forms – the ideas laid in the Roerich Pact. The article is devoted to comparison of modern international protection of digital heritage and the ideas of the Roerich Pact. The study is based on a comparative analysis, including a comparison of documents, policy statements and other texts related to the original approach in the international protection of cultural heritage and to the international activities on digital preservation. Besides that, the institutional analysis has been used as identification and characterization of the key institutions involved in the programs on digital preservation. The third method was an event­analysis – search for the most important events related to digital preservation, and identification of trends. The main conclusion is that the concept of protection of the digital heritage is aimed at the preservation of any cultural forms – even those which could be denied by aesthetes with the right to be considered as cultural objects. Thus, the programs of digital preservation supply the deficiency of the «lack of love» to the objects which transfuse the world perception of others. That lack of love was marked in the early XX century by N.K. Roerich, who convinced the world of the necessity of unconditional protection of the achievements of cultural life at the international level.

Key words: cultural diversity, world heritage, intangible cultural heritage, protection of monuments, cyberculture, “Memory of the World”, “Europeana”, “Google Books”

Koreckiyj A.O., Kostyuk R.V. The relation of radical left to the European Union in the early 21st century………. 73

The article focuses on the identification of the positions of the leading radical left parties at the beginning of the 21st century to the main tendencies of the European construction. The focus is left on the relation of radical to the European Union. The particular attention is given to the opinions of the antilibrerial left parties, which functionate at the beginning of the 21st century in West, Central and Southern Europe. The scientific article is based on the regional dimension of European strategies the left anti­liberal parties, assesses it’s specifically. In particular, Nordic left’s socialistic party clearly positioning themselves as “Eurosceptical”, commitment to the preservation of national sovereignty, opposition in principle to the federalist perspective of the European Union. In Western Europe, the main communist and left’s socialistic parties require a social reorientation of the European construction, rejection to the logic of neoliberalism and “strict economy”. At the same time, they are in opposition in relation to fundamental policy treaties of the European Union. Southern European anti­liberal Left, considering existing contradictions between traditional communist parties and more moderate formations in their actual European Strategy gives strong emphasis connection between the structural neoliberal reforms in their countries on the background of deepening global financial crisis and dependence of these reforms on the requirements of the European Commission and its institutions. In Central Europe, the youngest part of the European Union, the European radical left are presented as orthodox communist parties and parties, to keep pace with the times, demonstrating progress in the views. Their relationship subject to change, as they directly depends on success and depth of integration.

Key words: policy, party, left, Europe, European Union, European construction.


History of Internayional Relations

Ryazantseva N.B. The continuity of principles of the University corps of the modern Latvia with ones of the Western Provinces of the Russian Empire………. 81

The article is dedicated to the work of student corporations, one of the unique phenomena in the current world full of different forms of organizations. It analyzes the succession of different generations of student organizations. The author pays particular attention to the work of the university graduates, the members of the corporations who not only retain tight contacts with students but also keep close international contacts with current student organizations. The author believes that one of the most vivid examples of traditions kept by the student organizations formed in the 19–20th centuries is the universities of the Baltic region. The example of Latvia, whichactually shelters more than 40 corporations including ones of university graduates, discovers specific features of the establishment of student organizations. The article analyses the main forms of the student corporation activities at the stage of their building and pays a particular attention to the continuity of the Russian empire’s student organizations with the modern Latvia’sones. The preservation of traditions and main principles, which were the basis for the building of student corporations, is an inherent part of the work of the revived student organizations in the 1990s. In the course of the study, the author concludes that it is the Russian student organizations that are among the leaders of the student corporation unification in the Baltic region.

Key words: student organizations, Latvia, graduating students, traditions, continuity of generations.

Shiryaev B.A. The first shots of the Cold War………. 87

The joint fight of the USSR and the USA against common enemy during the 2ndWorld War created favorable conditions for post­war Soviet­American cooperation. The ideas of such cooperation were supported by various sections of American society, in political and business circles. But at the very end of the war the opponents of Soviet­American cooperation became powerful in the USA. These forces tended to conduct “a tough” policy toward the USSR. They hampered the development of Soviet­American relations and turned from cooperation to dangerous confrontation.

The author argues that the Soviet Union had no reasons to interrupt war­time cooperation with allies, because Moscow had a great need in USA support and assistance for restoration of devastated country. The author argues also that it was western allies initiative to start the confrontation, because the Soviet Union at the very end of the War had a great influence and authority as the liberator of Europe from Nazi occupation.

Key words: military alliance, the great powers, the “big three”, World War II, Cold War, Allies, post­war world order.

Khudoley K.K. The Soviet-Albanian Conflict: A manifestation of crisis within the Communist Bloc ………. 96

A salient symptom of the crisis within the Communist Bloc was first the emergence and later – intensification of contradictions in the relations of its member­states. The most bitter conflict arose between the most powerful country of the Bloc – the Soviet Union, and the Bloc’s smallest – Albania. From the late 1940s to early 50s Albania enjoyed the treatment of a privileged ally of the USSR. The relations between the two countries had largely depended on the personal contacts between Joseph Stalin and Enver Hoxha. Yet, as the world Communist movement grew more diverse, by the mid 50s the Soviet Union and Albania had begun to drift increasingly apart. Hoxha totally rejected the ideas of the 20th Congress of the CPSU, be it the notion of a peaceful coexistence with the West, or any criticism directed at Stalin, or the changes that were taking place in the USSR and the “People’s Democracies”. The normalization of Soviet­Yugoslav relations was a great disappointment for Hoxha, for it was Yugoslavia who the Albanian leaders considered their major opponent. The main reason for Hoxha’s different line was his fear of losing power in the changed circumstances. Besides, several politicians supportive of Hoxha, among them Molotov, had been defeated in the internal power struggle for control of the CPSU. Hoxha sided with Beijing in the Sino­Soviet conflict, yet he never gave up playing an independent role. The miscalculations of Nikita Khrushchev did play a part, but they were not the main reason for the breach between the two countries that occurred in 1961. Notwithstanding that the communist dogmas burdened the relations between the USSR and Albania, their severance had most negative effects on the development of the latter in the decades that followed.

Key words: USSR, Albania, crisis of communist bloc, Hoxha, Stalin, Khrushchev.

Stolyarov А.О. The problem of usage of the historical memory by Polish politicians in relations with Russia (1989–2005)………. 110

Based on the records of debates in the Polish Sejm on the main directions of Poland’s foreign policy, the print media and different speeches by foreign ministers and presidents of the PolishRepublic, the article considers the influence of Polish public officials’ historical memory on the relations with Russia and the USSR. Chronological frames are 1989 as beginning of system transformation in Poland and 2005 as beginning of Law and Justice’s historical policy that became a new stage in appealing to the past in Russian­Polish relations. There is noticed that the main content of Poles’ historical memory about Russia are consisted from the remembrance about the events of the 18th–20th centuries when Poland depended from its Eastern neighbor.

The paper discovers the usage of analogies with the past by Poles for examining relations with Russia and the USSR in the process of decision­making. The formed historical memory has determined Polish politicians’ intentions to prevent the return of Russian dominance also the revival of imperial traditions in Moscow after 1989. Author also explores the influence of memory on economic relations of these states.

The article considers the dynamic of usage of historical memory by Polish politicians during mentioned period. “Peaks” of such usage are highlighted. They are 1989–1990; 1993–1994; 2004–2005.

Author concludes that the Polish historical memory and Polish interests had mutual influence on each other. On the one hand the memory predetermined interests in present. But on the other hand the state’s interests influenced on usage of particular elements of memory.

Key words: historical memory, analogies, Poland, Russia, USSR, empire, debates, Sejm, Polish­Russian relations.

Khadorovich L.V., Jeifets V.L. The place of the Organization of American States (OAS) in the Russian foreign policy in Latin America………. 118

Completion of the bipolar confrontation allowed the Russian Federation to connect to regional groups’ activities and to build strong relations with countries of the Western Hemisphere both on a bilateral and multilateral level. In 1992 Russia became a Permanent Observer to the Organization of American States. The paper offers a brief overview of two decades of cooperation between Russia and the OAS, resulted in some conclusions about how the level of cooperation has been changing in accordance with the evolution of Russian foreign policy in the Western Hemisphere.

Key words: Organization of American States (OAS), Russia, Russian foreign policy, Latin America, the Permanent Observer, cooperation.

Yagya V.S. From the history of the Russian-Ethiopian relations in the first two decades of the 21st century: Unknown pages………. 125

The article deals with the unknown pages of the Russian­Ethiopian relations in the first two decades of the 21st century. It relies on the official documents (speeches, governmental decisions, decrees, etc.) concerning the building of sister­cities relations between Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, and Saint Petersburg, and the introduction of post of the Honorable Council of Ethiopia in Saint Petersburg. The initiative belonged to the Ethiopian side. Federal and regional authorities of Russia and St. Petersburg supported the purposes of Ethiopian officials (ministers, parliamentarians, diplomats, and the major of Addis Ababa). There were long time negotiations, meetings, and discussions, many difficulties appeared on this way. The establishment of the interregional relations between Addis Ababa and Saint Petersburg was an essential fact in the successful development of Russian­Ethiopian cooperation.

Key words: interregional cooperation, sister cities, St. Petersburg, Addis Ababa, Russia, Ethiopia, official negotiations, meetings, conversations, Honorary Consul.

Meshcheryakov K.Ye. The Russian-Kazakhstani relations under the third presidency of Vladimir Putin: Enhancing strategic partnership and military-political alliance………. 132

This article examines the main trends and problems in the Russian­Kazakhstani relations under the third presidency of Vladimir Putin. It concludes that despite in 2012 Russia’s foreign policy entered a zone of high turbulence, the Russian­Kazakhstani relations retained and even enhanced the political capital they had accumulated in the previous years, and got rid of many negative aspects. Astana remained Moscow’s major strategic partner and ally not only in Central Asia but also throughout the former Soviet Union and all over the world. It has consistently supported Russia on a wide range of issues of domestic and foreign policy, and refrained from addressing it a sharp criticism. By signing the Treaty on good­neighborliness and alliance with Russia in the 21st century, and the Eurasian Economic Union Treaty, Astana confirmed its strong commitment to continue a dialogue with Moscow regardless of an unfriendly international environment and further strengthen the bonds of fraternity with our country. However, the stubborn enhancement of integration with Russia has never meant for Kazakhstan a blind obedience to Moscow’s political will at the expense of its own national interests. Thus, in 2012–14, Astana’s diplomacy remained multi­vector, and Russia kept the role of an important, maybe the first, but not the sole partner of Kazakhstan.

Key words:Russia, Kazakhstan, Central Asia, international relations, strategic partnership, union, military and political cooperation, trade and economic relations, “Baikonur” cosmodrome, Russian­speaking population.

Zeleneva I.V. Russian Foreign Policy Factors of Success in the Asia-Pacific Region: Energy Security of Russia and ASEAN………. 142

The main goal of the article is to define Russia’s role in security in the Asia­Pacific Region (APR) based on the energy cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As a result of the SWOT­analysis we identified the threats to regional security, analyzed the factors influencing the foreign policy of Russia in the Asia­Pacific region, studied the strengths, weaknesses and opportunities of cooperation between Russia and the countries of ASEAN in the energy sector, determined the main trends and prospects for Russian­ASEAN relations in the energy sector. The most promising projects in the medium and long­term perspective lie in the energy security: the development of peaceful nuclear energy and nuclear power plant construction, bilateral cooperation, projects in the energy field development of the ASEAN countries, construction of pipelines capable to provide uninterrupted resources for ASEAN. The cooperation between Russia and Vietnam could become the basis of Russia’s integration with other ASEAN countries. Such cooperation mechanisms could create a system of energy security not only in South­Eastern Asia, but also throughout Asia. The economic cooperation between Russia and ASEAN could become the basis of regional security. Joint energy projects could integrate the Russian economy into the world one. The best scenario for Russia–ASEAN partnership is to elaborate a model of a real co­development of our countries. The main benefits that Russia would get from this form of relationship are the economic development of the Far East, and as a result, Russia’s integration into the North­Eastern Asia and the Asia­Pacific region, and for the ASEAN member states – the growth of their own national economies.

Key words: Russia, Asia­Pacific Region (APR), Vietnam, ASEAN, foreign policy, energy security, regional security, Far East.

Shamgunov R.G. Why Turkmenistan became a neutral state?………. 148

Following the collapse of the USSR, the post­Soviet states applied their foreign policy and solved economic and military problems in cooperation with one another. They established the Commonwealth of the IndependentStates and the other integration associations, both within and beyond the CIS.

Under the Soviet rule, Turkmenistan was one of the poorest republics and played a role of Russia’s raw appendage. When the USSR had disintegrated, it decided to neither unite with any country nor join any integration structure, which could have a supranational governance. Thus, it became a permanently neutral state.

This article aims to show the reasons why Ashgabat chose the permanent neutrality as the key principle of its diplomacy. It pays a particular attention to the development of Turkmenistan’s economy in the early 1990­s and to the establishment of its bilateral relations with the neighboring states. It analyses the potential threats to Turkmenistan’s security and finds out the ways of their overcoming.

While the UN General Assembly officially recognized Turkmenistan’s neutral status only on December 12, 1995, the president Niyazov had first mentioned it on July 10, 1992, that is why most of factors analyzed in this paper had already existed in the late 1992.

This article argues that Ashgabat’s concern about its security was not the main reason why it had adopted its new political and legal status. In fact, Turkmenistan’s permanent neutrality sought to solve some problems of its foreign policy: while it had to cooperate with the states conflicting with each other, none of its partners could blame it for building allied relations with its political adversaries.

Key words: security, foreign policy, economy, CIS, Central Asia, Kazakhstan, Russia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan,Iran, Afghanistan, USA.

Zaslavskaya N.G. Evolution of the EU institutional balance in the framework of European integration………. 155

The article is devoted to development of institutional balance in the context of European integration. As ‘division of power’ principle cannot be applied to the EU institutional system, ‘institutional balance’ principle was suggested. This principle helps to understand relationship between the major EU institutions. The EU institutional balance is dynamic, not static as it transforms together with the development of European integration process. It is highly influenced by the activities of the major EU institutions: the Council, the European Parliament and the European Commission trying to maximize their influence in the decision­making process and extend their competences. In order to strengthen their capabilities they either rely on the member states negotiations arranged in form of intergovernmental conferences, or act collectively in the framework of interinstitutional agreements or act individually. Eventually these efforts result in transformation of institutional balance. Comparison between institutional balance including role of particular institutions in legislative, budgetary and executive areas and contemporary competences of the EU institutions demonstrate serious transformations that have occurred in the relationship between the institutions. The European Parliament seems to act more successfully in comparison with other institutions as it has increased its legislative power and gained more control over the Commission. European elections in 2014 and European Commission’s formation could be used as an illustration of the current institutional balance. Analysis of changed competences of the EU institutions helps to understand major tendencies in the development of institutional balance.

Key words: history of European integration, EU institutions, European Union, balance of power, Council of the European Union, European Parliament, European Commission, European Court of Justice.

Treshchenkov E.Yu. European Union policy towards the post-Soviet states: the process of formation, factors and specific features (1991–2014)………. 161

This paper presents an analytical overview of the formation of the European Union policy towards the post­Soviet states since the collapse of the socialist system, and to the present. The author identifies the main stages and peculiarities of the EU’s approach to the post­Soviet area, as well as the factors that influence this process. European Union tends to use the same policy tools in cooperation with third countries. In the case of the post­Soviet space these tools range from incentives in form of preferential trade regimes, technical assistance and facilitation of visa regimes, to a diverse set of sanctions. European Union gradually formed three relatively coherent formats of its policy in the region – the strategic partnership with Russia, Eastern Partnership and Strategy for Central Asia. Among the key factors that influence the formation of EU policy towards the post­Soviet states, the author identifies the internal transformations within the countries of the region; the processes in the European Union itself, and the Russian factor.

Key words: European Union, post­Soviet area, Russia, European Neighborhood policy, Eastern Partnership, Central Asia.


History of culture

Bogoliubova N.M., Nikolaeva Yu.V. Development of cultural programs of the Olympic Games: from antiquity till the beginning of the 21st century………. 174

Olympic Movement in contemporary world is getting greater influence. As integral part of international relations Olympic Movement contributes to strengthening of friendship between peoples, development of cooperation and intercultural exchange. Olympic Games are a significant factor of so called “soft power” and a good way to improve image of the country. Olympic Games play important functions in cultural­humanitarian cooperation, acting as an alternative of “hard” interstate competition. Olympic sport has a huge cultural potential, which may be used for upbringing of youth, development and strengthening of international dialogue. This is the purpose of cultural programs of Olympic Games. “Cultural element” of Olympic Games has passed a comprehensive and long way in its development. Born in the age of ancient Greece, it was renewed by P. de Coubertin, but then excluded from Olympic program. Cultural programs of Olympiads got their second life only in the second half of XX century. Nowadays cultural programs of Olympic Games develop quite actively and draw the interest of specialists, as well as mass audience. More than a hundred years that passed since cultural programs had been included in formal part of Olympic Games, enable estimating the value of cultural dimension of Olympism and its part in discovery of humanistic potential of the Games. The article is devoted to analyzing evolution of cultural programs of Olympic Games and determination of their place in the system of Olympic values and modern intercultural cooperation. The study is based on comparative­historical method, which enables detecting and correlating specific features of development of cultural programs of Olympic Games in different periods and defining trends of their development in the nearest future. The most important documents of Olympic Movement related to cultural issues have been analyzed during the study. Basic conclusion: cultural dimension of Olympiads has become the most important part of modern Olympism. Cultural programs have been constantly included in the program of Olympic Games since 1992, what certifies sustainable interest to cultural component of Olympism. Cultural programs of Olympic Games serve to develop international dialogue, contribute to extension of interest to Olympiads and help host country of the Games get the world acquainted with its culture and spiritual values.

Key words: Olympic games, International Olympic movement, International Olympic Сommittee, cultural programs, cultural festivals, intercultural cooperation, cultural ties.

Eremina N.V. Cultural and historical peculiarities of ethno-national regions in centre-periphery relations in Great Britain (on the examples of Scotland and Wales)………. 182

Historical practices of centre­ethno­national periphery interrelations and their participation in the united political and state system evolution is in the heart of the article. While developing the state constantly reproduces the scheme of established forms and is not able to get out of historical practices. Grounding on a historical­political approach it is possible to illuminate key aspects of state forming, define centralization and decentralization trends in government system, centre and ethno­national positions on reforming, centre and ethno­national regions’ political tasks. Having answered the questions we can reveal the reforms’ conditionality, their incomplete character; and prove that the constant evolution of a state and its solvency depend on a centre’s active reaction on the population’s demands, including the ethno­regional people’s claims that should never been ignored.

Key words: political system, centre, periphery, ethno­national regions, centre­periphery relations, ethno­political conflicts, centralization, decentralization.


Military History

Sobolev V.G. The “Muslim Question” in the Russian Empire during the First World War period of 1914–1916………. 188

The article deals with the Russian government policy towards Russian Muslims during the First World War and the reaction of the later to this policy. Dealing with new historical sources, the article analyses the activity of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which primarily aimed at restraining pan­Turkism and pan­Islamism. Both ideologies were closely related and considered by Russian Government as one of the greatest menaces to the very existence of the Empire. However, the research shows that the Ministry of Internal Affairs tended to overestimate this threat and the involvement of Russian Muslims in those ideological movements was rather low during the World War I. Nevertheless, the attitude of Muslims towards the War and Russia as well dramatically changed within the period of 1914–1916.

Key words: Russian Empire, Islam, Russian Muslims, jadidism, World War I, Pan­Turkism, Pan­Islamism, russification.

Novikova I.I. The Russian-German rivalry in the Baltic region during the First World war………. 198

While most of Russian and Western researchers consider the Baltic region as a peripheral, unimportant, and “forgotten” front of the First World War, it fact it had been an “Apple of discord” between Russia and Germany in 1914–1918. This article examines the main stages of the Russian­German rivalry in the Baltic region during the Great War. In the first phase, from July 1914 to February 1917, the aims of the Russian and German forces were predominantly defensive. The German Navy closed the Baltic Straits, which cut the links between Russia and its Entente allies across the Baltic Sea. Although the German forces occupied most of Russia’s Baltic provinces, Germany could not establish the very dominance in the Baltic region: both at sea and on land, there was an endless «trench warfare». The second stage of the Russian­German rivalry in the Baltic region began in February 1917, after the anti­monarchist revolution in Russia, and ended in March 1918, when Russia signed the Treaty of Brest­Litovsk and withdrew from the World War I. The major events of this phase were the buildup of German military and political presence in the eastern part of the Baltic Sea, and the transition of Russia’s Baltic provinces and Finland under the influence of the German empire. In the third stage, which continued from March until November 1918, Germany managed to set hegemony in the Baltic region and proclaimed its version of the Monroe Doctrine. From Finland to Poland, it established a chain of the puppet regimes loyal to the Second Reich. However, in November 1918, after Berlin had been defeated in the Great War, this system collapsed like a card house.

Key words: First World War, Baltic region, Baltic Sea, Baltic Navy, Russia, Germany, Baltic States, Finland.

Pavlov A.Yu, Malygina A. A. 1915: the Beginning of the Chemical Warfare………. 210

Gas warfare during the First World War did not begin all of a sudden. The belligerent states were step by step joining that large­scale chemical war. The authors trace the evolution of the chemical warfare during 1915 and analyze the German, Russian, French and British strategies of gas warfare. Germany was the first who switched from sporadic usage of irritants to systemic exploitation of blood and chocking chemical agents. During the next years of the First World War Germany kept leadership if not initiative in gas warfare. The Entente Alliance behaved reactively during 1915 and had to improvise. Chemical weapons relatively quickly evolved from an aid to achieve tactical objectives into an important element in the arsenals of the belligerent powers, which was massively used in operations at all levels during 1915 on both the Russian and the French fronts of I WW. Unprecedented in scale chemical warfare of the First World War included not only the use of chemical warfare agents and the competition of defensive and offensive means, but also the use of chemicals for the organization of smoke screens as means of disguise, and the widespread use of flamethrowers. The main outcome of the 1915 campaigns was the distruction of basic moral and legal barriers to the widespread use of all available means of chemical warfare. In the following years of the war the use of chemical agents was limited only by scientific and technical potential, the possibility of industrial countries as well as operational and tactical considerations.

Key words: chemical warfare, gases, Russia, Germany, Entente, strategy, First World War.

Niyazov N.Sa.Og. Evolution of Israel-Azerbaijan military cooperation in 1994–2014………. 217

In 1994, the Bishkek Protocol was signed. Although it implies the cease­fire in the conflict zone, the confrontation between Azerbaijan and Armenia did not come to the end. Taking into consideration the fact that Armenia managed to occupy Nagorny Karabakh and seven neighbour regions, the new Azerbaijani governing body headed by G. Aliev had to deal with issues concerning development of military capability.

Many states, including Russia, did not want to cooperate with Baku in military sphere, refusing to sell it different weapon systems. The aid was delivered by Israel.

Teaming with Israel Azerbaijan turns to be one of secular states with Islam as dominating religion, which back Israel on the international arena. This fact is extremely important because recently the number of such states has declined. Thus, since Turkish Justice and Development Party has been in power we witness chilly relations between Turkey and Israel. The future of collaboration with Egypt is doubtful as well.

Due to cooperation with Israel Azerbaijan was the first among post­Soviet states to gain access to modern military technology. It contributes both to strengthening of military capacity of Azerbaijani military forces, which strive to win the region back from Armenia, and growth of Israeli companies’ income.

Nowadays the process of strengthening and expanding Israeli­Azerbaijani cooperation in military sphere continues. It is clear it has huge potential. The main reason is that Israeli competitors, acting on Azerbaijani arms market – Russia, Turkey, Belarus, Ukraine, Pakistan, etc. – do not have even analogues of the military systems delivered by Israel.

Key words:Azerbaijan, Israel, the Karabakh conflict, military technical cooperation, ADEХ­2014.


Historical Characters

Jeifets V.L., Jeifets L.S.  Stanislav Pestkovsky in Mexico, 1924–1926: the Comintern in the embassy………. 225

The article deals with analysis of the dualism of the Soviet Foreign Policy in the 1920s; the example of the activity carried on by the first Soviet Plenipotentiary Representative in Mexico Stanislav Pestkovsky is taken as very obvious and spectacular case. Pestkovsky was combining his diplomatic functions with energetic participation in the local trade unions’ activity and the activities of the Communist Party of Mexico. Moreover, he was at the same time the emissary of the Comintern in Mexico. Such circumstances became various times a basis for serious complications in the Soviet­Mexican relations. However, the authors demonstrate that it wouldn’t be correct to assume that Pestkovsky and the USSR were planning any kind of harmful actions against Mexico’s government; rather, they were anxious to correct the course of the Mexican Revolution, which had got lost, according to Moscow.

Key words: the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, the Comintern, polpreds, Stanislav Pestkovsky, the All­American Antiimperialist League, the USA.

Portnyagin D.I. Charge d’Affaires of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Frank Roberts about Soviet foreign policy (1945–1947)………. 234

This article discusses the views of prominent British diplomat F. Roberts on foreign policy of the Soviet Union in the early years after World War II. The author concludes that F. Roberts’s attitude to the policy of the USSR during his stay at the British Embassy in Moscow in 1945–1947 years has undergone some evolution, which mainly affected the rhetoric of the British Chargé d’Affaires. As the Cold War developed F. Roberts expressions become tougher and more determined. Remained unchanged initially negative assessment of the Soviet regime, as well as a very one­sided approach to the assessment of its actions on the international scene, in which the responsibility for the worsening situation in the post­war world was assigned exclusively to the USSR. What distinguished F. Roberts from many colleagues in the Foreign Office is the willingness to find a modus vivendi with the situation, avoiding as much as possible unnecessary aggravations. He constantly stressed the desire of the USSR to preserve peace, primarily for economic reasons. At some stage, this pragmatic approach seems to have found understanding of Ernest Bevin, as evidenced by the appointment of F. Roberts as Principal Private Secretary to Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in 1947. Another thing is that in the Foreign Office prevailed more intolerant and aggressive position with regard to the Soviet Union, which may be personalize with names of K. Warner and A. Kirkpatrick. Ultimately, himself E. Bevin agreed that the Soviet Union should be subject to more vigorous defensive­offensive policy offered by these senior officials of the Foreign Office.

Key words: USSR, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, foreign policy, Cold war, British Embassy in Moscow.

Akimov Yu.G.  “Vive le Quйbec libre!”: Charles de Gaulle and French Canada………. 241

The article deals with the French politics towards the French­speaking Canadian Province of Quebec of the 1960s. In those years in Quebec which forms a “political core” of the French Canada there were impressive modernization processes, a rise of nationalistic movement as well as the first separatist sentiments. Quebec also became to play its own personal role at the world stage to confirm its distinctive character. At the same time it was Charles de Gaulle who came to power in France which was historically, culturally, linguistically the closest relative of Quebec. De Gaulle was a champion of the French greatness’ revival including an active and independent foreign strategy. Since the beginning of the 1960s he was deeply involved in French Canadian issues. Thanks to de Gaulle “special relationship” between France and Quebec was established. De Gaulle also thought that in the near future Quebec could become a sovereign state. De Gaulle’s visit to the Province of Quebec on July 23–26, 1967 was a culmination of a “Gaullist attack” on Canada. During the visit on July 24 de Gaulle delivered his famous speech “Vive le Québec libre!” (Long live free Quebec!) from the Montreal city­hall balcony. The article analyses de Gaulle’s attitudes towards Quebec issues as well as his contribution to the development of Quebec nationalism and Quebec paradiplomacy.

Key words: Charles de Gaulle, Quebec, France, “special partnership”, “Vive le Québec libre!” speech, Canada, Quebec question, paradiplomacy, French Canadian Nationalism, Quebec separatism.